Article
Abiodun Faleke and the Human Face of Politics
If politics were to be built up into flesh and bone, one that is fashioned into an individual who could speak, legislate, joke around, and empathise— it would be difficult not to imagine Rt. Hon. (Dr.) James Abiodun Faleke as the first thought of such personification. Different from the usual politics of personal enrichment, Faleke’s narrative reads instead as: managerial expertise brought to bear on the messy business of public life, a temperament that privileges service over spectacle, and a tangible imprint on both his immediate constituency and the broader national tableau.
Faleke’s career did not begin in the give-and-take of partisan politicking; it was forged in the precise world of logistics, procurement and management. His professional apprenticeship—from material management to senior commercial roles—translated into a technocratic poise that later marked his public service.
Faleke is a man who has served his people in multiple capacities: from the foundational level of local government in Lagos (where he was pioneer Executive Secretary and later chairman of Ojodu LCDA), to a sustained presence in the House of Representatives representing Ikeja Federal Constituency since 2011. Those biographical certainties matter because they frame Faleke’s politics as cumulative, in the sense of being a career of small, compounding interventions rather than headline-hungry theatrics.
As regards constituency projects in relation to the margins of governance, Faleke’s record, however, suggests his performances are more than just transactional favours to the people he swore to serve; for him they are instruments of empowerment and social calibration. The “Mega Empowerment” Constituency Outreaches of 2025 saw 240 young men and women from across Ikeja, Ojodu, and Onigbongbo local council areas each receive a ₦100,000 cash grant to support their small businesses and entrepreneurial ventures.
In addition to the cash support, over 400 constituents benefited from a wide range of empowerment tools including tricycles, dispatch motorcycles, freezers, generators, popcorn machines, clippers, grinding machines, and juice extractors. Also, 170 participants were selected to undergo business training sessions designed to equip them with the knowledge and skills necessary to sustain their ventures.
Upon completion, each trainee will also receive cash grants to launch or expand their businesses. This is undoubtedly a relentless poverty-alleviation and empowerment scheme reaching the grassroots. For Faleke, this isn’t just empowerment—it’s about economic freedom and dignity.
Beyond ephemeral gestures, Faleke has sponsored and championed legislative measures that carry direct benefits to citizens’ welfare. His sponsorship of amendments to the NYSC Act (advocating life-insurance protection for corps members) and motions to tackle security vulnerabilities via the closure of illegal border routes are examples of how constituency sensibilities (safety for families, dignity for young Nigerians) translate into national legislation. These are not merely symbolic acts; they are legislative inflections aimed at securing lives and livelihoods.
Faleke’s influence is not confined to photo-ops, which many of his colleagues are known for.
Within the legislative architecture he has occupied consequential roles, including chairmanships and committee memberships on finance, anti-corruption and public procurement, where technical competence matters. That Faleke has been entrusted with responsibilities like scrutinising budgets, policing procurement, and framing accountability frameworks therefore reflects both peer recognition and a rare confluence of subject-matter familiarity with public policy.
When a representative who understands supply chains and procurement leads oversight of public spending, the risk of waste diminishes and the prospect of more efficient, people-centred expenditure rises. Constituents in Ikeja who see roads repaired, markets supported and youths trained can therefore trace some of those gains to the steadier, often unseen, governance work Faleke performs in committee rooms. Truly, he is replicating the Renewed Hope agenda of President Tinubu well at the constituency level.
What makes Faleke especially compelling, and what has earned him plaudits even from unexpected quarters, is a demonstrated willingness to place principle above opportunism. Accounts of his political journey reveal moments where standing for institutional integrity cost political capital. The 2015 Kogi governorship episode—in which Faleke was Abubakar Audu’s running mate on a ticket that won the majority of votes before Audu’s untimely death and the subsequent legal wrangling—remains illustrative of a politician who is prepared to contest questionable internal party reassignments through judicial means rather than private compromise. That episode was more than a personal dispute; it was a public lesson about the sanctity of the popular mandate.
It is no surprise that the press and civic organisations alike have, in recent years, painted Faleke as a model of “selfless political doctrine”—not because he is immune to ambition, but because his ambition is often tethered to service.
Observers note a politician who cultivates friendships across aisles, who refuses to let parochialism overpower national interest, and who seeks to translate proximity to executive power into tangible benefits for ordinary citizens.
For the record, awards, honours and the soft currency of recognition have also accompanied Faleke’s career. They are not ends in themselves, but they matter in two ways: first, because they reward long-term investment in public service; second, because they amplify the moral narrative that a politician can be both effective and ethically consistent. Communities in Kogi (his state of origin) and Lagos (his political bedrock) have acknowledged his interventions—from infrastructural pledges to educational initiatives—which have cumulatively projected an image of representation that is distributed rather than hoarded for selfish exploits.
However, the exemplary life of Rt. Hon. Faleke has proven that the impact of a single conscientious legislator does not end at local boundaries; it radiates outward.
To be candid, Faleke is not the sort of politician to promise miraculous solutions. He does not traffic in utopian hyperbole; his is a methodical, iterative politics. Such pragmatic disposition is a virtue in a country that needs steady institutional repair rather than rhetorical bravado.
Evaluating his performance dispassionately yields a simple conclusion: Faleke has been effective within the scope of his mandate. He has delivered constituency projects that ease everyday burdens, sponsored laws that protect citizens, and occupied oversight roles that matter for national fiscal health. That combination of local relevance enjoined with national responsibility is the metric by which representative success ought to be judged.
After all, it is believed that politics is not only about statutes and budgets; it is equally an economy of hope. The emotional currency that Faleke pays converts into a form of legitimacy that technical accomplishments alone cannot buy. How does one downplay the effort of a man who is readily available to his constituents in town halls; a man who pushes so hard for the benefits of those even outside his constituency; a man who shows up in markets to connect with his constituency at the grassroots, listening to their needs, consistently drafting and executing plans to make his people’s lives better?
The loyalty from the tongues that shout Faleke’s name in his constituency isn’t one that was bought, but earned on merit, because constituents who feel seen and supported are likelier to trust institutions; when trust rises, social cooperation follows. In this sense, Faleke’s human face of politics is not mere optics; it is an authentic mechanism rebuilt from decades of misgovernance.
Rt. Hon. James Abiodun Faleke should not be mythologised. He is neither infallible nor omnipotent. But he does offer a valuable template: the professionalised politician who grounds legislative activism in managerial competence, who balances constituent intimacy with national duty, and who places principle above ephemeral convenience. In a nation starved for dependable public servants, his presence—the human face of politics—is a restorative sight.
If Nigerian politics is to evolve beyond bigotry, partisanship, and cyclical disappointment, it will require more practitioners like Faleke: men and women for whom patriotism is not a headline but a daily practice, for whom constituency projects are not charity but capacity-building, and for whom committees are laboratories of accountability rather than chambers of complacency. That is the promise, and the provocation, Abiodun Faleke holds up to a nation in search of steadier custodians of the public trust.
Hwande is writing from Ilorin, Kwara State.
Article
Court adjourns Ganduje’s corruption trial to April 15
A Kano State High Court has adjourned until April 15 the trial of former governor Abdullahi Ganduje, his wife, Hafsat Umar, and son, Abdullahi Umar, alongside five other defendants, over alleged misappropriation of public funds amounting to billions of naira.
The defendants are facing an 11-count charge bordering on bribery, conspiracy, misappropriation, and diversion of public funds. The remaining accused persons are Abubakar Bawuro, Jibrilla Muhammad, Lamash Properties Ltd, Safari Textiles Ltd, and Lasage General Enterprises Ltd.
At the resumed hearing, the prosecution told the court it was ready to proceed and drew attention to a motion dated November 24, 2025, seeking leave to file additional proof of evidence.
However, defence lawyers raised objections, informing the court that multiple applications were pending and must be resolved before the trial could continue.
Lydia Oluwakemi-Oyewo, counsel to some of the defendants, said the defence had filed a motion dated July 17, 2025, seeking a stay of proceedings.
Adekunle Taiye-Falola, representing the third and seventh defendants, also referred to a separate motion dated May 23, 2025.
In addition, Muhammad Shehu, counsel to the fifth defendant, told the court that an affidavit had been filed notifying it of a pending application for stay of proceedings before the Court of Appeal.
Abubakar Ahmad, counsel to the sixth defendant, informed the court that he had filed a notice of preliminary objection and an application for extension of time to respond on points of law dated February 2, urging the court to fix a date for hearing.
Only Faruk Asekome, counsel to the eighth defendant, indicated readiness to proceed with the trial.
After hearing arguments from both sides, the presiding judge, Justice Amina Adamu-Aliyu, adjourned the matter to April 15 for the hearing of all pending applications and preliminary objections.
The trial has suffered repeated delays due to legal challenges. The high court had earlier dismissed preliminary objections raised by the defence as “incompetent” and affirmed its jurisdiction to hear the case.
That ruling was appealed by the defendants, who argued that the trial court lacked jurisdiction. However, in October 2025, the Kano Division of the Court of Appeal struck out the appeal, citing failure to properly transmit the record of appeal.
-Guardian
Article
No scripture forbids tattoos – Pastor Kingsley Okafor
Founder of the David Christian Centre and popular relationship coach, Pastor Kingsley Okonkwo, has doubled down on his decision to get a tattoo, saying there is no scripture that says a child of God cannot have a tattoo.
The cleric’s decision to get a tattoo reading “3:16” in Roman numerals, a reference to John 3:16 in the Bible, sparked controversy on social media.
His action was condemned by netizens who cited Leviticus 19:28, a Bible passage that reads, “Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print any marks upon you: I am the Lord.”
Dismissing the argument against his decision, Pastor Okonkwo said in an interview, “There’s no scripture that says a child of God cannot have tattoo. So, people are (just) doing personal preference, or what the Holy Spirit told them, or their church’s preferences. They want to impose this on other people, and that’s not how this works. Everyone needs to know Christ and the word of God.
“Somebody needs to sit me down and say tattoos are bad because if somebody draws ink on their body, their brain goes bad; if somebody draws ink on their body, their character suddenly goes bad. They must give me scriptural or scientific proof, or something to back this up.”
“Nobody can tell me why tattoo is bad. It’s just bad because… no reason. This kind of thinking is saddening for me because how is Africa going to catch up with development if we are still thinking ‘oh, somebody wore jeans and went to rob, so jeans are now bad. Pastor cannot wear jeans because last week somebody wore jeans and went to rob a bank’. What are we talking about? So, I don’t see the basis.”
Eyebrows are tattoos, my critics do them – Kingsley Okonkwo
Further, Okonkwo stated that while tattoos may be associated with bad people, he could name 10 good people with tattoos.
“It’s the same reason why some people don’t want to go into politics. They say politics is for bad people. So, we have left it for the people we think are dirty. So, who is going to go there? That has been the mindset of the church. We avoid everything that looks bad, and then we complain,” he said.
In a TikTok video, Okonkwo descended on critics of his decision, reminding them of the questionable things they also do.
He said, “Today I’m seeing Christian girls buying human hair and wearing it to church, and they are typing on tattoo while wearing another human being’s hair.
“You don’t know the origin of Christianity in Nigeria. Go and ask the older people who are sincere, they will tell you that even your makeup was a sin just a few years ago… was sacrilege, taboo, evil.
“Today, I see people do eyebrow. You don’t know that eyebrow is tattoo? Are you not painting? If you are painting eyebrows, it is tattoo. Some people even do microblading. Is it not tattoo? It’s a form of tattoo.
“Do you know that there was a time, if you didn’t tie a scarf, you couldn’t go to church. Some of you didn’t know this. Who fought for that liberty you enjoy?
“There were times you couldn’t wear earrings, such that once you gave your life to Jesus, you threw away your earrings and all your jewellery. Some of you didn’t know these things, but today you are typing. I pity the level of ignorance you are carrying,
“There were times you couldn’t wear jeans in this body of Christ. I was here when you couldn’t wear jeans. Do you wear jeans? Oh, you are leading many astray.
“Some people are saying tattoo is leading people astray. I say jeans were leading people astray a few years ago, today we are wearing them. Do you wear jeans? Ungodly garment.”
Those who cut themselves are demon-possessed
In an old sermon sighted by our correspondent, Pastor Steven Anderson of Faithful Works Baptist Church in Arizona, USA. stated that tattoos, which involve cutting oneself, are similar to what demon-possessed people did in the Bible.
“Everybody who cuts themselves in the Bible is demon-possessed. And today, we see high schoolers by the thousands and millions cutting themselves,” Pastor Anderson said.
He then addressed those who love to claim that the law against tattoos is in the Old Testament and is no longer relevant. He did this by citing the next verse after the one against tattoos in Leviticus, which reads, “Do not prostitute thy daughter, to cause her to be a whore; lest the land fall to whoredom, and the land become full of wickedness.”
According to him, if their understanding is relevant, it means people can now go ahead and prostitute their daughters.
Our correspondent also found a YouTube sermon by Pastor Aaron Thompson explaining why tattoos are bad.
During a sermon at Strong Tower Baptist Church in the US, he said, “Tattoo is a heathen practice that has been going on since Noah got off the ark, basically. They’ve found mummies and people in ice in different places that had tattoos on them. People have been doing this heathen practice for a long time. It’s connected to religion; it’s connected to cannibalism; it’s connected to head hunting. There’s nothing good about tattoos.”
-Guardian
Article
Group Defends Tinubu’s Reforms
The Legacy Support Group for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda has reaffirmed its backing for the Federal Government’s reform policies, declaring support for what it described as a long-term recovery framework aimed at building a more stable and prosperous Nigeria.
Speaking at a press conference, the group’s National Patron, Chief Mike Okiro, represented by Chief Marcel Ezenwa, said the coalition was committed to “joining the train of Renewed Hope” as a pathway to a better tomorrow. He conveyed Okiro’s full support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, noting that the administration’s reform direction is designed to reposition the country for sustainable growth and institutional stability.
Also addressing journalists, the group’s National Coordinator, Ezinna Chief Chima C. Duru, said the briefing was convened to respond to what he described as sustained negative narratives and political attacks against the Tinubu administration by opposition figures and “disgruntled political actors.”
He noted that while criticism is a legitimate feature of democracy, it must be constructive and fact-based, warning that politically driven misinformation could undermine necessary reforms.
On security, the group said terrorism and banditry predate the present administration but maintained that ongoing operational and structural reforms are producing gradual results.
It also highlighted youth and education interventions, including student loan schemes and empowerment programmes, as indicators of a governance focus on human capital development, stressing that economic recovery should be judged over a longer reform cycle with sustained policy continuity.
-Leadership
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